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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName></PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Jornal of Eslamic Human Rights</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5637</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Interaction and Dialectic Relationship Between Human Rights and the State: The Application of Anthony Giddens&#039; Structuration Theory with a Focus on Islamic Human Rights</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Interaction and Dialectic Relationship Between Human Rights and the State: The Application of Anthony Giddens&#039; Structuration Theory with a Focus on Islamic Human Rights</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>37</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>51</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">244619</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amirreza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hojati</LastName>
<Affiliation>.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0002-2098-5874</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mehdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zakerian</LastName>
<Affiliation>.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Keyhan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Barzegar</LastName>
<Affiliation>.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Giddens has had a significant influence on the theoretical discussions of International Relations. One of the most important areas lies in ontology and the question of primacy in the agent-structure relationship. Giddens emphasizes the reciprocal relationship between these two. The main question revolves around the interaction between human rights and the state, specifically how these two affect each other. In response, this article addresses the interaction between the two within the framework of Giddens&#039; structuration theory. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to explain the relationship between human rights and state through the application of Giddens&#039; structuration theory, ultimately incorporating the concept of &quot;ontological security.&quot;&lt;br&gt;The main hypothesis is as follows: &quot;Human rights norms, in the process of internalization and transformation into structures for states, create anxieties for these agents, stemming from changes in the state&#039;s sovereign boundaries upon adopting human rights. However, with the transformation in the meaning and scope of sovereignty, these anxieties dissipate, and the observance of human rights will guarantee the legitimacy of the government and sovereignty.&quot;&lt;br&gt;The analysis in this research is conceptual-theoretical, wherein the state is considered as the agent and the human rights system as the structure. The primary variables include: structure (human rights norms), agent (states), and ontological security (as an intermediary variable). This study seeks to elucidate the interaction between these elements and clarify the connection between Giddens&#039; theory and the foundations of Islamic human rights.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Giddens has had a significant influence on the theoretical discussions of International Relations. One of the most important areas lies in ontology and the question of primacy in the agent-structure relationship. Giddens emphasizes the reciprocal relationship between these two. The main question revolves around the interaction between human rights and the state, specifically how these two affect each other. In response, this article addresses the interaction between the two within the framework of Giddens&#039; structuration theory. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to explain the relationship between human rights and state through the application of Giddens&#039; structuration theory, ultimately incorporating the concept of &quot;ontological security.&quot;&lt;br&gt;The main hypothesis is as follows: &quot;Human rights norms, in the process of internalization and transformation into structures for states, create anxieties for these agents, stemming from changes in the state&#039;s sovereign boundaries upon adopting human rights. However, with the transformation in the meaning and scope of sovereignty, these anxieties dissipate, and the observance of human rights will guarantee the legitimacy of the government and sovereignty.&quot;&lt;br&gt;The analysis in this research is conceptual-theoretical, wherein the state is considered as the agent and the human rights system as the structure. The primary variables include: structure (human rights norms), agent (states), and ontological security (as an intermediary variable). This study seeks to elucidate the interaction between these elements and clarify the connection between Giddens&#039; theory and the foundations of Islamic human rights.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Giddens&amp;‌‌‌rsquo</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">structuration theory, agent-structure relationship, ontological security, state, human rights</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.pfbaj.ir/article_244619_99a061d56b8552a5c2a8f08ae8e1ed72.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName></PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Jornal of Eslamic Human Rights</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5637</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Investigating the relationship between religiosity and awareness of citizenship rights among Payam Noor Bandar Abbas University students</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Investigating the relationship between religiosity and awareness of citizenship rights among Payam Noor Bandar Abbas University students</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>53</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>70</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">244620</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mansooreh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Dastranj</LastName>
<Affiliation>.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-2914-6719</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Foujan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Amiri</LastName>
<Affiliation>.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>12</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Context and purpose: Despite the increasing importance of citizenship rights in contemporary societies, the role of religiosity as a social institution in shaping awareness of these rights has been less studied; therefore, the present study examines the relationship between religiosity and awareness of citizenship rights among students of Payam Noor University in Bandar Abbas.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Method: This research was conducted using a survey method and questionnaire technique.The study population consists of students in the Payame Noor University of BandarAbbas. A sample of 307 student were selected by simple random sampling. After collecting questionnaire, the data were analyzed by spss software. &lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Findings: The results of the bivariate analysis showed that the belief and emotional dimensions of religiosity have a significant relationship with awareness of citizenship rights, While the consequence and ritual dimensions did not show such a relationship.Among all dimensions of awareness of citizenship rights, only the dimension of awareness of cultural rights has a significant relationship with religiosity. &lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Conclusion: Religiosity can affect students&#039; level of civic awareness, but this effect is limited and selective, and is exerted mostly through the internal dimensions of religion (belief and emotion). Therefore, strengthening the doctrinal and emotional aspects of religiosity can lead to increased students&#039; understanding of citizenship rights, especially in the cultural sphere. By filling the gap in studies on the interaction of religion and civil rights among youth, the present study emphasizes the need for educational institutions to pay attention to integrating civil rights concepts into curricula and participatory activities.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Context and purpose: Despite the increasing importance of citizenship rights in contemporary societies, the role of religiosity as a social institution in shaping awareness of these rights has been less studied; therefore, the present study examines the relationship between religiosity and awareness of citizenship rights among students of Payam Noor University in Bandar Abbas.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Method: This research was conducted using a survey method and questionnaire technique.The study population consists of students in the Payame Noor University of BandarAbbas. A sample of 307 student were selected by simple random sampling. After collecting questionnaire, the data were analyzed by spss software. &lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Findings: The results of the bivariate analysis showed that the belief and emotional dimensions of religiosity have a significant relationship with awareness of citizenship rights, While the consequence and ritual dimensions did not show such a relationship.Among all dimensions of awareness of citizenship rights, only the dimension of awareness of cultural rights has a significant relationship with religiosity. &lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;Conclusion: Religiosity can affect students&#039; level of civic awareness, but this effect is limited and selective, and is exerted mostly through the internal dimensions of religion (belief and emotion). Therefore, strengthening the doctrinal and emotional aspects of religiosity can lead to increased students&#039; understanding of citizenship rights, especially in the cultural sphere. By filling the gap in studies on the interaction of religion and civil rights among youth, the present study emphasizes the need for educational institutions to pay attention to integrating civil rights concepts into curricula and participatory activities.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Religiosity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">awareness of citizenship rights</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Students</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Payam Noor University</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.pfbaj.ir/article_244620_bfd7238216a3e46ace397214d9b51fb3.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName></PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Jornal of Eslamic Human Rights</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5637</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Veto in Light of Jus Cogens: The Conflict Between the Practice of Permanent Members of the Security Council and Principles of International Law</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Veto in Light of Jus Cogens: The Conflict Between the Practice of Permanent Members of the Security Council and Principles of International Law</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>19</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>36</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">244621</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abbas Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Kadkhodaei</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor, Department of Public and International Law, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amir</FirstName>
					<LastName>Lohrasbi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Student in Public International Law, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>27</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Jus cogens, as a fundamental and non-derogable principle of international law, has come into conflict with the broad powers of the United Nations Security Council. This conflict has given rise to significant questions regarding the limits of the Security Council&#039;s authority and its obligation to adhere to these norms. On one hand, the Security Council, as the body responsible for maintaining international peace and security, possesses powers that may sometimes lead to decisions or practices by its members that conflict with jus cogens, such as the prohibition of genocide. On the other hand, jus cogens hold such a high status in the international legal order that they can overshadow the actions of the Security Council members. In this context, the veto power, as an exclusive tool available to the five permanent members of the Security Council, can exacerbate this conflict, raising questions about its legal legitimacy when used to violate jus cogens. This article, seeks to address the aforementioned issue by proving its hypothesis that the exercise of the veto power must be limited in cases where it violates jus cogens. It emphasizes the necessity of utilizing the capacity of the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice to implement Article 96 of the Charter.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Jus cogens, as a fundamental and non-derogable principle of international law, has come into conflict with the broad powers of the United Nations Security Council. This conflict has given rise to significant questions regarding the limits of the Security Council&#039;s authority and its obligation to adhere to these norms. On one hand, the Security Council, as the body responsible for maintaining international peace and security, possesses powers that may sometimes lead to decisions or practices by its members that conflict with jus cogens, such as the prohibition of genocide. On the other hand, jus cogens hold such a high status in the international legal order that they can overshadow the actions of the Security Council members. In this context, the veto power, as an exclusive tool available to the five permanent members of the Security Council, can exacerbate this conflict, raising questions about its legal legitimacy when used to violate jus cogens. This article, seeks to address the aforementioned issue by proving its hypothesis that the exercise of the veto power must be limited in cases where it violates jus cogens. It emphasizes the necessity of utilizing the capacity of the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice to implement Article 96 of the Charter.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">International Law</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Jus Cogens</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Security Council</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">United States</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Veto Power</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.pfbaj.ir/article_244621_dc36ec48e2d2b8a0322f538a907a206e.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName></PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Jornal of Eslamic Human Rights</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5637</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>مطالعه جامعه‌شناختی توسعه پایدار از منظر حقوق بشر اسلامی</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مطالعه جامعه‌شناختی توسعه پایدار از منظر حقوق بشر اسلامی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage></FirstPage>
			<LastPage></LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">253650</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مهرداد</FirstName>
					<LastName>بذرپاش</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه مدیریت رسانه، دانشکده ارتباطات و رسانه، دانشگاه صدا و سیما، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Vahid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Salehi</LastName>
<Affiliation>مدرس</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-0699-263X</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>25</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی میان‌رشته‌ای، در پی بررسی رابطه‌ی میان توسعه‌ی پایدار و حقوق بشر اسلامی از منظر جامعه‌شناختی است. توسعه‌ی پایدار، در گفتمان جهانی، مفهومی چندبُعدی است که بر تحقق عدالت بین‌نسلی، رشد اقتصادی مسئولانه و حفظ محیط زیست استوار است. با این حال، در چارچوب معرفتی اسلام، توسعه معنایی فراتر از صرفاً اقتصادی یا زیست‌محیطی دارد و به عنوان فرآیندی برای شکوفایی انسان در رابطه با خداوند، طبیعت و جامعه تعریف می‌شود.&lt;br&gt;از منظر حقوق بشر اسلامی، بنیان توسعه بر کرامت انسان، عدالت اجتماعی و مسئولیت اخلاقی در برابر خلقت استوار است؛ بدین معنا که سعادت فردی و جمعی تنها زمانی محقق می‌شود که آزادی و عدالت در کنار ایمان، اخلاق و تعاون اجتماعی قرار گیرند. این نگرش با نگاه سکولارِ غربی به توسعه تفاوت اساسی دارد؛ زیرا به جای مرکزیت انسانِ منفعت‌گرا، مفهوم «انسانِ متعهد و خلیفهٔ الهی» را در محور توسعه قرار می‌دهد.&lt;br&gt;پژوهش حاضر با تحلیل نظری متون دینی و جامعه‌شناختی، نشان می‌دهد که توسعه‌ی پایدار در جوامع اسلامی بدون نهادینه‌سازی ارزش‌های دینی در سیاست‌های اجتماعی و اقتصادی ممکن نیست. عدالت اقتصادی، مشارکت اجتماعی، حفظ محیط زیست و احترام به حقوق اقلیت‌ها، همگی از مصادیق بروز حقوق بشر اسلامی در عرصه‌ی توسعه‌اند. همچنین، یافته‌های نظری این مطالعه بیانگر آن است که نگرش اسلامی می‌تواند مقدمه‌ای برای بازتعریف مدل جهانی توسعه بهگون‌های انسانی‌تر، اخلاقی‌تر و فراگیرتر باشد. در نتیجه، حقوق بشر اسلامی نه تنها محدود‌کننده‌ی توسعه نیست، بلکه ظرفیت نظری و ارزشی برای دستیابی به توسعه پایدارِ معنا‌محور را در جوامع مسلمان فراهم می‌آورد.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی میان‌رشته‌ای، در پی بررسی رابطه‌ی میان توسعه‌ی پایدار و حقوق بشر اسلامی از منظر جامعه‌شناختی است. توسعه‌ی پایدار، در گفتمان جهانی، مفهومی چندبُعدی است که بر تحقق عدالت بین‌نسلی، رشد اقتصادی مسئولانه و حفظ محیط زیست استوار است. با این حال، در چارچوب معرفتی اسلام، توسعه معنایی فراتر از صرفاً اقتصادی یا زیست‌محیطی دارد و به عنوان فرآیندی برای شکوفایی انسان در رابطه با خداوند، طبیعت و جامعه تعریف می‌شود.&lt;br&gt;از منظر حقوق بشر اسلامی، بنیان توسعه بر کرامت انسان، عدالت اجتماعی و مسئولیت اخلاقی در برابر خلقت استوار است؛ بدین معنا که سعادت فردی و جمعی تنها زمانی محقق می‌شود که آزادی و عدالت در کنار ایمان، اخلاق و تعاون اجتماعی قرار گیرند. این نگرش با نگاه سکولارِ غربی به توسعه تفاوت اساسی دارد؛ زیرا به جای مرکزیت انسانِ منفعت‌گرا، مفهوم «انسانِ متعهد و خلیفهٔ الهی» را در محور توسعه قرار می‌دهد.&lt;br&gt;پژوهش حاضر با تحلیل نظری متون دینی و جامعه‌شناختی، نشان می‌دهد که توسعه‌ی پایدار در جوامع اسلامی بدون نهادینه‌سازی ارزش‌های دینی در سیاست‌های اجتماعی و اقتصادی ممکن نیست. عدالت اقتصادی، مشارکت اجتماعی، حفظ محیط زیست و احترام به حقوق اقلیت‌ها، همگی از مصادیق بروز حقوق بشر اسلامی در عرصه‌ی توسعه‌اند. همچنین، یافته‌های نظری این مطالعه بیانگر آن است که نگرش اسلامی می‌تواند مقدمه‌ای برای بازتعریف مدل جهانی توسعه بهگون‌های انسانی‌تر، اخلاقی‌تر و فراگیرتر باشد. در نتیجه، حقوق بشر اسلامی نه تنها محدود‌کننده‌ی توسعه نیست، بلکه ظرفیت نظری و ارزشی برای دستیابی به توسعه پایدارِ معنا‌محور را در جوامع مسلمان فراهم می‌آورد.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">جامعه‌شناسی</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">توسعه پایدار</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">حقوق بشر اسلامی</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">عدالت اجتماعی</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">اخلاق زیست‌محیطی</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.pfbaj.ir/article_253650_d3c40965870df110cdcccce2d521eac3.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName></PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Jornal of Eslamic Human Rights</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5637</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Food as a Fundamental Human Right or a Weapon of War (A Case Study of Planned Famine in Gaza)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Food as a Fundamental Human Right or a Weapon of War (A Case Study of Planned Famine in Gaza)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>95</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>120</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">244899</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hasan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Alizadeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری دوره حقوق بین الملل عمومی،واحد مراغه،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، مراغه،ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hosein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rostamzad</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه حقوق بین الملل عمومی،واحد تهران مرکز،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،تهران،ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0007-7920-6448</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Babak</FirstName>
					<LastName>Pourghahramani</LastName>
<Affiliation>استاد گروه حقوق کیفری وجرم شناسی،واحد مراغه،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،مراغه،ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-0431-933X</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>24</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Today, from a legal perspective, although food has been recognized as a human right by international law documents and the domestic laws of many societies, it is used as a method of war in some regions of the world. A weapon that, although history remembers a dark list of examples from Stalin’s Ukraine to Biafra, the methodology, scale, and systematic targeting of today’s Gaza crisis only evoke the Nazi “starvation plan.” This research examines the use of hunger as a weapon of war, the responsibility of the offending state, and the monitoring and accountability mechanisms, using a descriptive-analytical method and citing international law. Therefore, the question arises as to what are the legal implications and consequences of an instrumental approach to food as a weapon of war? The research is based on the hypothesis that starving a civilian population is prohibited under customary and treaty international law and, in addition to creating criminal liability for the offending state, if the starvation of the people of Gaza is intended to genocide the Palestinians, it also imposes obligations on other states. The prohibition of genocide is a universal obligation and all states have the right to invoke the responsibility of the Israeli regime for violating universal obligations. In other words, the legal consequence of the occurrence of an international crime will be the adoption and immediate countermeasure by the international community as a whole, and of course, it will not be limited to this level of reaction.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Today, from a legal perspective, although food has been recognized as a human right by international law documents and the domestic laws of many societies, it is used as a method of war in some regions of the world. A weapon that, although history remembers a dark list of examples from Stalin’s Ukraine to Biafra, the methodology, scale, and systematic targeting of today’s Gaza crisis only evoke the Nazi “starvation plan.” This research examines the use of hunger as a weapon of war, the responsibility of the offending state, and the monitoring and accountability mechanisms, using a descriptive-analytical method and citing international law. Therefore, the question arises as to what are the legal implications and consequences of an instrumental approach to food as a weapon of war? The research is based on the hypothesis that starving a civilian population is prohibited under customary and treaty international law and, in addition to creating criminal liability for the offending state, if the starvation of the people of Gaza is intended to genocide the Palestinians, it also imposes obligations on other states. The prohibition of genocide is a universal obligation and all states have the right to invoke the responsibility of the Israeli regime for violating universal obligations. In other words, the legal consequence of the occurrence of an international crime will be the adoption and immediate countermeasure by the international community as a whole, and of course, it will not be limited to this level of reaction.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Gaza</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">food</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">crime</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName></PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Jornal of Eslamic Human Rights</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2322-5637</Issn>
				<Volume>15</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Comparative Study of the Foundations and Scope of Defensive Jihad in Islamic Jurisprudence and Legitimate Defense Against terorisom in Contemporary International Law</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>A Comparative Study of the Foundations and Scope of Defensive Jihad in Islamic Jurisprudence and Legitimate Defense Against terorisom in Contemporary International Law</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>71</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>93</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">244623</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>MohammadQasem</FirstName>
					<LastName>Tangestani</LastName>
<Affiliation>.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammadjavad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Heydariandolatabadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>/</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-2975-1716</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>05</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>This study provides a comparative analysis of the foundations, conditions, and limits of legitimate self-defense in Islamic jurisprudence and contemporary international law, with particular emphasis on defense against non-state actors. In light of the challenges posed by the state-centric structure of the United Nations system and developments following the rise of transnational terrorism, the research examines the capacity of Islamic jurisprudence to articulate the legitimacy of popular defense and lawful resistance.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The research adopts an analytical–comparative methodology based on library sources. The data are drawn from the Qur’an, Nahj al-Balagha, the opinions of Shi’a and Sunni jurists, the Charter of the United Nations, the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice, resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, and contemporary international legal scholarship.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The study concludes that meaningful integration between Islamic legal teachings and international humanitarian law is feasible and can provide an ethical–legal framework for countering terrorism while supporting lawful resistance. The novelty of the research lies in proposing a practical comparative framework for legitimate popular defense, clarifying the function of the concept of collective obligation (wujūb kifā’ī) in civic participation, and suggesting international oversight mechanisms. The study further outlines future research directions for redefining lawful resistance within customary international law, conducting empirical studies, and designing educational and supervisory frameworks, thereby contributing to the development of a more flexible and normatively grounded international legal order.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">This study provides a comparative analysis of the foundations, conditions, and limits of legitimate self-defense in Islamic jurisprudence and contemporary international law, with particular emphasis on defense against non-state actors. In light of the challenges posed by the state-centric structure of the United Nations system and developments following the rise of transnational terrorism, the research examines the capacity of Islamic jurisprudence to articulate the legitimacy of popular defense and lawful resistance.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The research adopts an analytical–comparative methodology based on library sources. The data are drawn from the Qur’an, Nahj al-Balagha, the opinions of Shi’a and Sunni jurists, the Charter of the United Nations, the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice, resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, and contemporary international legal scholarship.&lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt;The study concludes that meaningful integration between Islamic legal teachings and international humanitarian law is feasible and can provide an ethical–legal framework for countering terrorism while supporting lawful resistance. The novelty of the research lies in proposing a practical comparative framework for legitimate popular defense, clarifying the function of the concept of collective obligation (wujūb kifā’ī) in civic participation, and suggesting international oversight mechanisms. The study further outlines future research directions for redefining lawful resistance within customary international law, conducting empirical studies, and designing educational and supervisory frameworks, thereby contributing to the development of a more flexible and normatively grounded international legal order.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Non-state actors</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Terrorism</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">lawful resistance</Param>
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